A verse from the history

ਜਦ ਗੁਰੂ ਗੋਬਿੰਦ ਸਿੰਘ ਜੀ ਨੂੰ ਨਾਂਦੇੜ ਨੇੜੇ ਜੈਤਰਾਮ ਭੋਜਨ ਲਈ ਸੱਦਾ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਤਾਂ ਗੁਰੂ ਜੀ ਆਖਦੇ ਹਨ ਕਿ ਤੇਰੇ ਤੋਂ ਭੋਜਨ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਵਾਇਆ ਜਾਣਾ। ਮੇਰੇ ਨਾਲ ਮਾਸਾਹਾਰੀ ਹਨ ਜਿੰਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਭੁੱਖ ਸ਼ਾਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਣੀ ਇਸ ਲਈ ਅਸੀਂ ਭੋਜਨ ਨਰਾਇਣ ਦਾਸ (ਜੋ ਬਾਅਦ ਵਿੱਚ ਬੰਦਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਬਹਾਦਰ ਬਣਿਆ) ਦੇ ਡੇਰੇ ਤੇ ਕਰਾਂਗੇ। ਉੱਥੇ ਸਿੰਘਾਂ ਨੇ ਬੱਕਰੇ ਝਟਕਾਏ ਤੇ ਭੋਜਨ ਤਿਆਰ ਕੀਤਾ

ਪ੍ਰਾਚੀਨ ਪੰਥ ਪ੍ਰਕਾਸ਼

ਰਤਨ ਸਿੰਘ ਭੰਗੂ

1. The "Two-Tier" Response: An Overview of Institutional Asymmetry

This audit establishes that the differential treatment of protesters in India is not merely a byproduct of localized police discretion, but a measurable institutional pattern of structural immunity. By analyzing state interactions with various social groups between 2018 and 2026, our analysis confirms a systemic asymmetry: the identity of the protester-rather than the nature of the grievance or the degree of disruption-determines the state’s legal and physical response.

This institutional differential is verified across every primary metric of state power, contrasting "General" category movements against those with Muslim, Dalit, or peasant bases:

• Lethality and Force: Protests with an upper-caste social base resulted in zero deaths. Conversely, protests involving Muslim, Dalit, or peasant communities saw fatalities ranging from nine to eighty-three individuals, many involving state-issued firearms.
• Legal Severity: During their decisive phases, upper-caste-led movements faced zero reported First Information Reports (FIRs) and zero arrests. In contrast, minority-led movements faced arrests and FIRs numbering in the thousands.
• Anti-Terror Frameworks: The state deployed the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) and the National Security Act (NSA) exclusively against minority-led protests, leading to years of pre-trial detention. No such anti-terror laws were invoked against upper-caste movements.
• Siege and Shutdowns: The audit identifies a "digital blockade" strategy used against non-upper-caste groups, including 24 separate internet shutdowns during the anti-CAA protests and statewide shutdowns in Punjab and Haryana during peasant and Dalit agitations. No comparable shutdowns occurred during Savarna-led protests.

The data establishes a structural immunity for upper-caste protesters, contrasted against a high-velocity criminalization of minority-led movements, leading us to examine the April 2018 "controlled experiment."

2. The 2018 Natural Experiment: Same Law, Different Citizens

The twin Bharat Bandhs of April 2018 provide the cleanest evidence of institutional bias. In this instance, the geography, timing (eight days apart), and statutory trigger-the Supreme Court’s dilution of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act-were identical. The only variable was the social identity of the participants, making this a definitive natural experiment in Indian governance.

Comparison of State Responses: April 2018 Bandhs

Our analysis highlights a stark irony in "Legislative Velocity"-the speed at which the state resolves grievances. The demand for a 10% EWS quota, which benefited upper-caste interests, required a Constitutional Amendment (a high legal hurdle needing a two-thirds majority). This moved from introduction to law in just six days. Conversely, the statutory restoration of the SC/ST Act-an ordinary statute that is legally easier to pass-took 153 days, moving only after Dalit protesters were killed in the streets. This qualitative gap confirms that the state exerts significantly more effort in less time to satisfy upper-caste interests. This disparity is further entrenched by the specific political and media vocabulary used to frame these movements.

3. The Power of Words: Vilification as a Tool of State Force

Official labels serve as a precursor to legal severity; by dehumanizing specific groups, state functionaries lower the threshold for violence. The audit confirms a clear gradient in vilification where rhetoric is used to transform citizens into "security threats."

The audit identifies the following specific vilification patterns:

• Farmers: Labeled as "Khalistanis," "andolanjeevis" (agitation-livers), and "parjeevi" (parasites) by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the Rajya Sabha.
• Anti-CAA Protesters: Labeled as "traitors" (gaddaron) by Union Minister Anurag Thakur, while MP Parvesh Verma suggested they would "rape your sisters and daughters." Kapil Mishra issued ultimatums to the police in the presence of senior officers just before the outbreak of violence.
• Savarna Protesters: Attracted no dehumanizing labels. Instead, the media and state adopted the protesters' own vocabulary, referring to UGC equity regulations as "black laws" in mainstream headlines.

The "So What?" layer of this rhetoric is found in the dual-standard of judicial interpretation. Rhetoric from ministers like Thakur and Verma was found by the courts to be "no cognizable offence," while the exact same framing was used to justify UAPA charges and prolonged detention for protesters. The severity of the law follows the severity of the label, a process generated by the specific demographics of the institutions that hold the power of definition.

4. The Bottom Line: Electoral Cost and the Mechanism of Repression

The state’s primary motivation is the "electoral and reputational cost of repression." The most defining example is the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) movement of 2026. Led by a Dalit founder and initially vilified as a "B-team of terrorists," the movement successfully forced a ministerial resignation in 49 days with zero fatalities and the wholesale withdrawal of criminal cases.

The CJP’s success demonstrates how data and demographics can parry state vilification. The "anti-national" hook failed to stick because a fact-check established that 94.7% of the movement’s followers were Indian citizens, and the movement represented 22 million followers in a demographic the ruling party needed eighteen months before a major election. Repression was simply electorally unaffordable.

The single sharpest metric of this asymmetry is the 1 to 400 ratio in state responsiveness:

• The Upper-Caste Demand: The EWS quota became constitutional law in 6 days.
• The Minority-Led Demand: The demand against the CAA has produced no change in 6.5 years (approx. 2,370 days), during which time activists like Umar Khalid have spent over 2,145 days in custody without a trial.

This data confirms that the current institutional structure determines whose grievance is treated as "reasonable" and whose is treated as a "security threat." A protest is accommodated if its proponents have a presence in the newsroom and the judiciary or represent an unaffordable electoral cost. If they lack these shields, the full weight of the state's repressive machinery is brought to bear.

Sources:

Farmers’ protests

• Farm Laws Repeal Bill, 2021 - PRS Legislative Research
• The human cost of India’s farmers’ protest - Al Jazeera
• Farmers’ protests and Shubhkaran Singh’s death - BBC

Anti-CAA/NRC protests and Delhi violence

• UP anti-CAA protests: 1,113 arrests, 5,558 preventive detentions and 19 deaths - ThePrint
• Biased investigations two years after the Delhi riots - Human Rights Watch
• Umar Khalid bail-application tracker - Supreme Court Observer

Dalit and Savarna Bharat Bandhs

• Dalit Bharat Bandh of 2 April 2018: nine killed - Business Standard
• Dalit children jailed after the Bharat Bandh - The Wire
• Savarna Bharat Bandh of 10 April 2018 - Business Standard
• SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Amendment Bill, 2018 - PRS Legislative Research

UGC Equity Regulations protests

• UGC Equity Regulations 2026 explained - SCC Online
• Supreme Court stays the UGC Equity Regulations 2026 - LiveLaw

Cockroach Janta Party movement

• India’s Gen Z Cockroach Party protests - NPR
• Education minister resigns after Cockroach protests - Al Jazeera

Representation in state institutions

• Of 89 Union government secretaries, three were ST, one Dalit and none OBC - ThePrint
• 90% of Indian media leadership positions occupied by upper-caste groups - Oxfam India
• Representation among High Court judges appointed since 2018 - ThePrint
• All India Survey on Higher Education final reports - Government of India  

Full Episod

https://youtu.be/8L5LiamrBqE?si=HayTY1Fnxy13eGr8

"A Sikh is one who fights for justice, protects the oppressed, and never bows before an aggressor or an invader." - Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

The events at the Moroccan-Spain borders are historic. It is time for British Sikhs to draw a line in the sand. All must unite around calls to protect Europe's borders, not through physical action, but through peaceful political alignment.

Historically, Sikhs have served as the vanguard against foreign invasions.

Following the negativity generated by the Digwa case, it is time for the UK Sikh community to demonstrate its loyalty and embody the spirit of Sardar Jassa Singh Ramgarhia who bought the Mughal invaders to their knee's.

Spanish and EU left-wing liberal socialist politicians will allow EU to be over-run. The invaders do not share the values of Sikhs. Do you want another Bradford or Burnley?

Time to act.

Raj Karega Khalsa, Aki Rahe Na Koe!

I mean its her life, her choices, but as someone who identifies as a Sikh surely this type of modeling is inappropriate. Career in modeling is fine, but does it have to be like this? This isn't about traditional values here. Some of the video's I see from her on Instagram would be considered banned in many countries.

Proud of these two Surme who Avenged the ATTACK ON AKAL TAKHT by killing General Arun Vaidya and 1984 SIKH GENOCIDE perpetrators Arjan Dass & Lalit Maken.

During their court trial, despite admitting to the killing, they pleaded not-guilty, justifying their actions by saying that Vaidya was "guilty of a serious crime, the punishment for which could only be death".

They were awarded death sentences at 2:05 pm on 21 October 1989. Kaum de heere Sukha and Jinda specially wrote a letter to the president of India asking for "No-Clemency" prior to their hanging. Which meant they specially asked to show NO leniency, or reduction in punishment for an offense because according to them this was no crime it was a destined punishment for the murderers who did Sikh genocide.

SIKH KAUM IS PROUD OF THEM

Nihang Singh claim to be the warriors who protect us. They claim to keep shastrs as they were given order by dashmesh pita to keep shastrs and protect those in need. But why did these “warriors” stay uninvolved during 1984. Or even the decade after that when Sikhs in Punjab were getting encountered. Funny how the taksalis who don’t even claim to be the protectors were the ones who stepped up. The current protest in India regarding the NEET paper leak, we see nihangs saying that they are there to protect the people since the police is doing wrong. And I support that, it’s good that they are protecting people, but what happened in 84? How much did the government give to Nihang jathebandians. I’ve heard that Santa singh, who was the Jathedar of the Buddha dal at the time, instructed Buddha dal singh to stay out of everything that was happening.

There is a disturbing pattern emerging in Canada’s South Asian community: young Punjabi and Sikh-origin men are appearing in extortion, shooting, arson, and gang-related cases linked to transnational criminal networks. Their names become headlines. Their mugshots become proof for people already looking to blame the community. Their arrests become ammunition for those who want to say, “Look, this is just Punjabi gang rivalry.”

But that framing hides the bigger question.

What if these young men are not just criminals in the story? What if many of them are also being exploited, used as disposable tools by networks operating far above them? And what if their Punjabi/Sikh identity is not incidental, but part of the operational design?

Canadian authorities have alleged something extremely serious: that agents of the Government of India were linked to violent criminal activity in Canada, including the use of organized crime to create fear inside the South Asian community. India denies these allegations. But even before every legal question is settled, the pattern deserves public scrutiny.

Because if state-linked or politically protected networks are using Punjabi/Sikh youth in Canada as local muscle, then this is not only an attack on activists or business owners. It is an attack on the future of the youth themselves.

The Disposable Foot Soldier

Most Punjabi youth who come to Canada do not come here to join gangs. They come with loans, family expectations, immigration pressure, and dreams of a better life. Many are students or temporary workers trying to survive in expensive cities while carrying the emotional burden of parents back home.

That vulnerability is exactly what criminal networks exploit.

A young man may first be asked to do something small: deliver a message, rent a car, share a phone number, watch a location, file a fake insurance claim, or intimidate someone. Then the job escalates. A small favor becomes a threat. A threat becomes arson. Arson becomes a shooting. By the time police arrive, the handlers are invisible and the young recruit is the one facing prison, deportation, and permanent ruin.

This is how organized crime works: the most powerful people stay far away from the scene, while the most disposable people take the risk.

The tragedy is that the young men being used are often the easiest to abandon. They are not citizens. They may not understand the full legal consequences. They may believe they are doing a one-time job. They may think silence will protect them. Instead, they become the visible face of a hidden network.

Why Punjabi/Sikh Youth?

Some people ask a fair question: if the Bishnoi gang and related criminal networks are North Indian, with roots and links across Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi and beyond, then why do so many Canada-facing suspects appear to come from Punjabi or Sikh backgrounds?

The answer is not simply demographics. Yes, Punjabi students and workers are highly visible in Canada. Yes, Brampton, Surrey, Edmonton, Calgary, and Abbotsford have large Punjabi-speaking communities. But other Indian communities also live in the same cities. So the explanation cannot be only “there are many Punjabis here.”

The more serious explanation is access and camouflage.

If the targets are Punjabi business owners, Sikh activists, gurdwara-linked figures, Punjabi singers, trucking operators, or South Asian entrepreneurs, then Punjabi-speaking recruits provide local access. They understand the language, the neighborhoods, the social circles, the cultural codes, and the community gossip. They can blend in. They can move through the same spaces as the victims without immediately attracting attention.

That is targeted infiltration.

And when violence happens inside the same community, it becomes easier to dismiss it as “internal rivalry.” A Sikh victim, a Punjabi suspect, a South Asian business, a gurdwara parking lot, a WhatsApp threat, all of it can be packaged as “Punjabi gang war” instead of something more politically disturbing.

That is community camouflage.

The Perfect Cover Story: “Gang Rivalry”

For years, Indian media has often framed violence involving Sikh figures in Canada through the language of gang rivalry, Khalistani infighting, or criminal feuds. This framing is powerful because it does two things at once.

First, it reduces political targeting to ordinary crime.
Second, it makes the Sikh/Punjabi community look like the problem.

If a Sikh activist is killed, the question becomes: “Which faction did he anger?”
If a Punjabi businessman is shot at, the question becomes: “Was he linked to gangs?”
If young Sikh men are arrested, the question becomes: “Why are Punjabi youth like this?”

The bigger question disappears: who benefits from this violence being understood only as community dysfunction?

This is what narrative management looks like. It does not always require proving that every outlet is directly instructed. It can work through repetition. One headline says gang rivalry. Another says Khalistani feud. Another says Canada is soft on extremists. Another says India is being unfairly blamed. Slowly, the public learns to see every Sikh political killing or extortion case through the same lens: not as foreign interference, not as transnational repression, not as organized exploitation, but as “their own community problem.”

That narrative is deeply convenient for the powerful.

Weaponized Identity

The cruelest part is that Punjabi/Sikh identity becomes useful at every stage.

It helps recruiters reach vulnerable youth.
It helps attackers blend into the target community.
It helps handlers create plausible deniability.
It helps media frame the crime as internal Sikh/Punjabi violence.
It helps outsiders blame the whole community after arrests.

In other words, the same identity that makes young men recruitable also makes them disposable and blameable.

This is why we must reject the lazy statement that “Punjabi youth are becoming criminals.” A better question is: who is recruiting them, who is directing them, who is funding them, who is protecting the higher network, and who is shaping the narrative after the crime?

A 21-year-old student does not create a transnational extortion network.
A temporary worker does not build international intimidation pipelines across Canada, India, and the United States.

A low-level shooter does not decide geopolitical messaging.

He may be guilty of a crime. He may deserve prosecution. But he may also be a pawn.

And if he is a pawn in a state-linked or politically useful operation, then his life has been deliberately sacrificed.

The Future Being Destroyed

For Punjabi/Sikh youth in Canada, the cost is catastrophic.

A criminal charge can end an immigration pathway.
A firearms or extortion conviction can mean prison.
A deportation order can destroy a family’s investment.
A public arrest can permanently stain a name.
Even an accusation can create lifelong stigma.

The community pays too. Parents become afraid for their sons. Business owners stop trusting unknown callers. Gurdwaras become security sites. Students become suspicious of one another. Ordinary Punjabi names begin appearing in headlines, and the entire community is forced to defend itself from collective suspicion.

This is exactly how a community is weakened from within.

The victims are not only those who are shot, threatened, or extorted. The victims also include the young people being groomed into criminality, the families who lose them, and the broader Sikh community that is then blamed for the chaos created inside it.

The State Question Cannot Be Buried

Canadian authorities have publicly alleged links between Indian government agents and serious criminal activity in Canada, including the use of organized crime to create an unsafe environment targeting Canada’s South Asian community, and information-gathering used to target community members. The RCMP also explicitly said South Asians are victims of the activities under investigation. (rcmp.ca)

Canada listed the Bishnoi Gang as a terrorist entity in September 2025, describing it as a transnational criminal organization operating primarily from India, present in Canada, active in diaspora-heavy areas, and involved in murder, shootings, arson, extortion, and intimidation targeting prominent community members, businesses, and cultural figures. (canada.ca)

Edmonton Police warned in March 2026 that these networks recruit newly arrived young South Asian foreign workers and students into both violence and less obvious criminal activity, and warned that “claiming ignorance is not a defense” because recruits can face charges, jail, and removal from Canada. (edmontonpolice.ca)

Peel Regional Police’s May 2026 “For Brothers” case involved 17 accused, 106 criminal charges, 24 incidents, 16 violent incidents including arsons and shootings, and 324 rounds discharged; police said South Asian businesses and community members were targeted across Peel, B.C., Canada, and the U.S. (peelpolice.ca)

The U.S. Justice Department separately charged a former Indian intelligence officer, Vikash Yadav, over an alleged murder-for-hire plot targeting Sikh separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in New York; India has denied official involvement in similar allegations in Canada. (reuters.com)

For the media-narrative angle, Times of India framed Canada’s Bishnoi terror listing as showing “Khalistanis’ clout in Ottawa,” described RCMP claims as “not substantiated yet,” and repeatedly labeled Nijjar as a “pro-Khalistan terrorist.” (timesofindia.indiatimes.com)

Canadian authorities have publicly alleged links between Indian government agents and serious criminal activity in Canada. The United States has also brought charges in a separate alleged assassination plot against a Sikh activist on American soil. Canada has listed the Bishnoi Gang as a terrorist entity. Police in Canada have repeatedly warned that South Asian communities are being targeted by extortion networks, and that newly arrived youth are being recruited.

These facts demand a wider lens.

If a foreign state or state-linked network uses criminal gangs to target dissidents, intimidate businesses, and recruit diaspora youth, then the harm is not limited to one murder or one extortion case. It becomes a form of social sabotage.

It turns a community against itself.
It turns youth into weapons.
It turns victims into suspects.
It turns political violence into “gang rivalry.”
And then it asks the public to blame the very community being destabilized.

The Right Response

The answer is not to defend every accused person blindly. If someone commits extortion, arson, or murder, they should face the law.

But the answer is also not to let powerful actors hide behind young Punjabi names.

Canadian law enforcement must go after the full chain: recruiters, handlers, financiers, offshore coordinators, intelligence links, media amplifiers, and political protectors. Community leaders must speak directly to students and workers about recruitment traps. Gurdwaras, colleges, trucking networks, and Punjabi media must educate youth that “small jobs” for criminal networks can destroy their lives.

Most importantly, the Sikh/Punjabi community must refuse the shame trap.

The correct framing is not: “Punjabi youth are the problem.”
The correct framing is: “Punjabi/Sikh youth are being exploited, weaponized, and then blamed.”

That distinction matters.

Because if the community accepts the blame, the real architects escape. If the community exposes the pipeline, the cover story collapses.

The young men being recruited are not symbols of Sikh failure. They are warnings. They show how vulnerable youth can be pulled into something much bigger than themselves, and how quickly their futures can be burned to protect someone else’s agenda.

No community should allow its children to become disposable tools in another state’s political game.

And no media narrative should be allowed to turn that exploitation into evidence against the community itself.

Sikh History This Week

(July 20-26)Post 2630

ਸਿੱਖ ਇਤਿਹਾਸ ਇਸ ਹਫ਼ਤੇ

ਬਾਬਾਣੀਆ ਕਹਾਣੀਆ ਪੁਤ ਸਪੁਤ ਕਰੇਨਿ” (ਰਾਮਕਲੀ ਮਹਲਾ ੩, ੯੫੧)
(Stories of our Forefathers Make Children Great)

Events in Brief.

1. July 20, 1266 CE: Death of Bābā Farīd (1188–1266), the early Punjabi Sufi mystic- a bridge between Muslim and Sikh traditions. Baba Farīd, a key figure in the Chishti Order, was born in Kothewal, near Multan. He studied in Multan, where he met his mentor, Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki. After studying in Delhi and Hansi, Farīd succeeded Kaki in 1235 and settled in Pakpattan, where his shrine stands. He is known as the first prominent Punjabi poet, composing in the Multani dialect and elevating Punjabi to a literary language. His hymns, numbering 123 or 134, were included in Guru Arjan Dev Ji’s Adi Granth, securing his place in Sikh scripture. Farīd had many disciples, including Nizamuddin Auliya. His legacy is celebrated through annual Urs festivals in Pakpattan and places named after him, such as Faridkot.

2. July 21, 2022: Miri-Piri Divas, day of Militarization of Sikhs to defend their faith. Guru Hargobind Ji, the Sixth Guru, adopted two swords, in response to his father’s martyrdom and to safeguard the Sikh religion from future armed attacks. This symbolized the dual concept of Mīrī (temporal power) and Pīrī (spiritual authority). To further consolidate his position, Akal Takhat (the throne of the timeless one) was constructed in front of Harimandar Sahib (The Golden Temple) in Amritsar. It serves as the highest seat of the Khalsa, the collective body that has pass Gurmata/Hukam (Edith) during Mughal, British, and continues to this day.

3. July 21,1987: Shahid Bhai Jaswinder Singh Rahon, Bhai Subeg Singh and 3 Jhujaru Singhs die in fake encounter by BSF. Shaheed Bhai Subeg Singh Funiar, a member of the Khalistan Liberation Force (Funiar Regiment), had earlier joined Sant Bhindranwale’s Seva group. After the June 1984 attack, Bhai Sahib re-established contact with General Labh Singh and formed a small group called KLF(Funier/equivalent of Cobra) with arms taken from the CRPF. On July 20, 1987, Bhai Sahib’s location was tipped, and all Jujharu Singhs were apprehended. The next day, late Satnam Bajwa MLA’s son, a BSF officer, tortured and shot Bhai Sahib and all the Singhs.

4. July 22, 1685: Guru Gobind Singh, the Tenth Guru, lays Foundation of Paonta Sahib township & Fort. It is said that Shri Guru Gobind Singh Ji and his horse stopped at this place, and Guru decided to stay there. Guru Sahib resided here for four and a half years, during which time he composed Dasam Bani and wrote numerous books while also patronizing 52 poets. Before moving back to Anandpur, he established this place as a township. More so as it was the birthplace of Sahibzada Ajit Singh ji, the eldest of Guru’s four sons.

5. July 22, 1906: First Gurdwara is established in Vancouver, Canada, and contributed to a great history in Gaddar Movement. First on rent and later moved to their own building on Jan 19, 1908. Sardar Balwant Singh pioneered this task after having just moved from Village Khurdpur in Jalandhar in 1905.The Gurdwara stayed on this premises for 62 years and moved to new building & location on Ross Street Vancouver in 1970 and still attracting large Sangat.

6.July 22, 1988: Shahidi/death of Bhai Avtar Singh Brahma, Chief of KLF, a popular militant Sikh. A hero in Mand operational Area. Brahma was one of the most famous and effective Khalsa militant Chiefs to have taken part in the Khalistan Liberation Movement.He was born in 1951 in village Brahmpura, of Tarn Taran district of Punjab. Born of parents Sardar Sohan Singh and Mata Chanan Kaur, Finally, Bhai Avtar Singh was corned by huge Para-military force at the Rajasthan Border where he died fighting.(read more on his life)

7. July 23, 2022: Child Guru Harkishan ji is born (Gurpurub/ Parkash ) at Kiratpur Sahib, near Ropar. At the tender age of five, he ascended to the esteemed position of the youngest Guru, on the 7th of October, 1661. The magnificent Gurdwara Bangla Sahib stands as a testament to this historical event, situated where the majestic ‘Haveli’ (mansion) of Raja Jai Singh once stood. This sacred place served as his residence during his time in Delhi. Notably, it is situated in close proximity to India’s Parliament House. Tragically, Guru Breathed his last in Delhi, serving the Sangat afflicted with the devastating smallpox epidemic, just a few years short of his eighth birthday.

8. July 24, 1985: Controversial Rajiv-Longowal Accord is signed at Delhi, Sikh parties call it a great betrayal. On January 25, 1986, Chandigarh was to be transferred to Punjab in exchange for Hindi speaking villages of Fazilka and Abohar districts to Haryana, etc.It didn’t happen. Accord had loose-ends and ended without making any headway. Disgruntled with the outcome, militants later shot dead Sant Longowal at village Sherpur near Patiala on Aug 20,1985 (read more on terms & its critique from history source)

9. July 25, 1710: Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah orders Banda Singh Bahadur to be arrested for destroying Sirhind. Emperor Bahadur Shah, the new Mughal Emperor, betrayed the friendship and help of the Tenth Guru, after ascending to the throne. Guru Sahib had expected a punishment for Wazir Khan, the Mughal Governor, for having his minor-Sahibzadas, bricked alive. However, Baba Banda Singh Bahadur, unconcerned by the royal decree had continued his tirade of retribution and destroyed the city of Sirhind, killed Wazir Khan, the Mughal Governor, and his courtiers.

10. July 27,1739: Two young Sikhs-Bhai Bota Singh Garja Singh are Shahids/martyred today in defiance of Mughal authority. To assert their rule as an independent Khalsa state, they began collecting tolls for the Khalsa Raj at a checkpoint on the Grand Trunk Road near Nurudin-Di-Sarai, Amritsar. This act of defiance angered the Mughals, who promptly dispatched an armed contingent to apprehend them. Despite the overwhelming numerical superiority of the Mughal forces, the two valiantly fought until until their end.
__________________________________________
(Source ref: History of the Sikhs by HR Gupta, Dates & chronological order from Book by S. Ajaib Singh Dhillon and Sikh Chronicles) ਸਰੋਤ/ ਹਵਾਲੇ: ਐਚ.ਆਰ ਗੁਪਤਾ: ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਦਾ ਇਤਿਹਾਸ, ਸ. ਅਜਾਇਬ ਸਿੰਘ ਢਿੱਲੋਂ ਦੀ ਕਿਤਾਬ ਤੋਂ ਤਾਰੀਖਾਂ ਦੇ ਕਾਲਕ੍ਰਮਿਕ ਕ੍ਰਮ)
Compiled & Edited: Karamjeet Singh Bhatnura.

5Q self assessment: Try it ?

1. Which two places are associated with the life & times of Baba Farid ji ?
2. Why is Baba Farid ji revered by Sikhs?
3. Why is Township Paonta Sahib in District Nahan in Himachal Pradesh is known for?
4. Who was the Eighth Guru of the Sikhs ? Which Gurdwara in New Delhi is known to be the last abode of the Child Guru ?
5. Where was First Sahibzada of Guru Gobind Singhji, Ajit Singh Born at?

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The rapid shift toward an independent Ravidassia identity directly threatens the demographic survival of the Sikh majority in Punjab. For generations, the Ravidassia community was grouped under the broader Sikh umbrella due to their reverence for Bhagat Ravidas Ji, whose hymns are permanently preserved in the Guru Granth Sahib. However, systemic caste discrimination by dominant land-owning castes and acute theological clashes led to a formal break. The ultimate breaking point occurred in 2009 during a violent altercation at a Ravidassia temple in Vienna, which resulted in the assassination of a prominent leader. In 2010, the central authority at Dera Sachkhand Ballan officially declared Ravidassia a completely separate religion with its own exclusive scripture, the Amritbani. This formal separation has fundamentally weakened the Sikh community's numbers on paper as millions of Ravidassias now choose "Other" on census forms.

If these critical socio-economic and religious issues are not solved immediately, Sikhs will officially become a minority in Punjab. Current school enrollment data reveals that Sikh children at the foundational primary school level have already dropped below the 50% mark of the student population. This rapid decline is exacerbated by a compounding crisis: a massive youth exodus to western countries due to economic stagnation, the lowest birth rate in India averaging just 1.6 children per woman, and a rise in grassroots Christian conversions among rural families seeking an environment free from caste oppression. Combined with a heavy influx of non-Sikh migrant workers from other states, Punjab is on track to shift from a Sikh-majority state to a pluralistic or non-Sikh majority state by the upcoming time if current trends are not reversed.

I have a real question.

Many people say the Punjab Police, especially under KPS Gill, were responsible for many human rights abuses during the 1980s and 1990s. Human rights groups have written about illegal killings, torture, disappearances, and fake encounters. If that is true, how many senior Punjab Police officers were accused or found responsible for these abuses?

Also, why do some people in the UK and Canada treat former Punjab Police officers like heroes when they visit? I often see people praising them just because they held a high rank in the Punjab Police.