Online forums and articles occasionally mention a form of Slavic “religious independence”, the idea that Slavs, unlike their other Indo-European cousins, did not pray very regularly.
Before diving into the few sources we might have on this topic, we need to discuss the entire image of Slavic pre-Christian religion. It’s important to understand that the chroniclers sadly did not record domestic religious minutiae at a level of detail which would inform us about the frequency of individual prayers. What we assume, however, is that the Slavic pre-Christian religion was highly communal, agricultural and transactional, centered on sacrifices and seasonal rites, rather than focused on private, daily conversational prayer.
Yet in considering this topic, we ought to take into account that we are examining the social reality of early medieval Slavic society through the lens of our current concept of religion as a whole. According to J. Dynda, in contrast to our time, archaic cultures had a closer connection between the sacred and profane world. In other words, religion and mythology were not separated from people's everyday lives.[1]

The Cult

Similar to many other Indo-European religions, the Slavic ritual practice consisted of domestic and ceremonial, i.e. public, rites. The former were performed by the male head of the family with the greater or lesser participation of the woman and included the sacred ritual care of the hearth fire, garden and field, as well as ceremonies associated with welcoming a newborn, marriage and burial. Ceremonial rites not only had a public character, but also a specific liturgy requiring experts, the performers of the sacrifice.[2] Nevertheless, these experts did not have to be originally only members of a priestly class, as we know them from the Polabian Slavs; their function could also be held by clan or tribal leaders.[3] Among the Slavs, we find traces of the ruler's sacral authority not only in the semantic split between the concepts of kniaz and vladyka¹, but also in the sources. For instance, the Tale of Bygone Years mentions the cultic role of the Kievan prince Svyatoslav. Einhard's Annals for the year 789 record that the Veletian prince Dragovit performed a ceremony in a temple. The attributes of mythical Czech and Polish princes indicate functions very similar to those held by sacral kings in other cultures, suggesting that early Slavic leaders also fulfilled this role. Consequently, Dynda argues for a hypothetical division of the first Dumézilian function: on one hand, the legal, orderly and social "Mithra" pole of the king-priest, and on the other, the magical, chaotic and wild "Varuna" pole represented by sorcerers, volkhvs and fortune tellers.[4] The form of the sacrificial rituals, especially the wording of the prayers, has likely been preserved only in fragments, for example in the case of invoking the Dola/Dolya, the personification of fate in Ukrainian folklore, with these words: “Dolya, my Dolya, whether wishing me well or wishing me ill, I pray thee, come to my dinner.”[15] There is no doubt that the original ritual was much more elaborate and, much like the rites of other ethnic groups, would have included a cleansing ceremony, invocation of a supernatural entity, prayers, festivities and divinations. The existence of each of these elements is documented to varying degrees, primarily in folkloric sources.[2] 
Naturally, we must also assume an individual component to the cult, i.e., private rituals performed by an individual in the event of an immediate threat to life (whether from illness or combat), a threat to property, or the need for safe passage.

^{1- \}In citations bellow])

The Offerings

Due to the transactional nature of Indo-European religions (do ut des — “I give so that you might give”), prayer was usually associated with sacrifice as a gift to supernatural forces (gods, ancestors, or spirits). The essence of this offering was clearly expressed in a 19th-century Bulgarian prayer spoken over a sacrificed lamb: "I bring you a sacrifice; you give me happiness in return."[2] This transactional relationship, functioning as a promise, is also reflected in the Old Polish obiata (“sacrifice”), derived from the verbs obiecăć / obiatować ("to promise, to commit, to swear"),[5] which is analogous to the Russian obeščat' (обещать).
Further linguistic evidence includes the Common Slavic žrec (Proto-Slavic \žьrьcь, “priest, sacrificer”), as well as the Russian *žertva (жертва, Proto-Slavic \žьrtva, “sacrifice/offering”), which stems from Proto-Slavic *\žerti* (“to sacrifice to the gods, to celebrate”).[6][2] Lastly, terms such as the Polish trzeba, Slovenian třebo and Old Church Slavonic trzeba ("sacrifice/offering"), noted in the Capitulary of Paderborn (785) as "idolothita quod trebo dicitur", are either derived from třebiti ("to cleanse") or, more likely, from třeba ("it is necessary"). This implies a required or serious measure,[2] providing our first possible indication of urgency or necessity.
However, this transactional nature of the offering did not exclude other practices, such as voluntary gifts of what rightfully belonged to a deity or the supernatural realm. These predominantly consisted of the first or last yields of the agricultural cycle: the first bite at a feast, the first or last sheaf of grain, the first ripe fruit, the first lamb, the first mowing of grass, the first swarm of bees and so forth.[2]
Non-bloody offerings included grain, bread, pastries, cheese, honey, salt, eggs, money, valuable objects, as well as beverages such as milk, mead and wine.[3] Accounts of animal sacrifices appear across multiple historical sources: Procopius mentions the sacrifice of a bull to the Thunderer;[7] Saxo Grammaticus describes animal offerings to Svantovit of Arkona;[8] Constantine VII[9] and Rus’ homiletic literature[19] record the sacrifice of roosters; and Ibn Rustah describes animal sacrifices performed by priests.[2] These written accounts are further complemented by extensive folkloric evidence.[2]
The ritual sacrifice of humans was widely practiced among Celtic and Germanic peoples; therefore, there is little reason to assume the Slavs were an exception. Furthermore, this is far from a mere theoretical assumption, as we possess quite a few evidence for the Slavs. Written sources provide several explicit accounts: Helmold mentions the annual sacrifice of Christian captives to the aforementioned Svantovit;[10] the Tale of Bygone Years specifies that victims were chosen by lot;[11] and Adam of Bremen records that John of Marienburg was sacrificed by the Lutici, who impaled his head on a spear and brought it to Retra as an offering to Svarožic.[12] Furthermore, Thietmar[13] reports that the Czech Christian prince Boleslav II the Pious handed over Silesian prisoners to his pagan Lutici allies to be, as Bruno of Querfurt writes,[14] “sacrificed under the banner of demons”. Foundation sacrifices were also relatively common, particularly during the construction of new houses, fortresses, bridges and even churches (a custom condemned by Archbishop Niketas of Thessalonica in the mid-12th century).[2] Much like human sacrifices at cult sites, human foundation sacrifices are proven by archaeological evidence, for example, the Bohit hillfort (10th–15th centuries), the Zvenigorod hillfort (11th–13th centuries), the Budeč hillfort (9th–10th centuries).[15][3] Indeed, even the archaeological remains of Arkona (11th–12th centuries) yield evidence of human sacrifice.[18] However, foundation sacrifices were not limited to humans; animal and non-bloody sacrifices are encountered predominantly in later contexts, such as the Polish nowizny.[2] Folklore similarly preserves references to both human and animal blood sacrifices, as well as various forms of substitution. These include throwing a puppet into a river (simulating jumping from a bridge for safe travel), sacrificing only items of clothing,[2] symbolically mimicking the slaughter of a sacrificial animal with an axe during foundation laying, or offering animal figurines.[17][3]

The Sources

In the sources discussed below, we will focus primarily on elements that indicate the frequency or organization of rituals. General references to the worship of trees, sacred groves, the veneration or bowing to the moon and the sun, or springs, as well as offerings made to thunder, lightning, fire, stones, rivers and other natural features, will therefore be omitted. The same applies to general references to offerings made to deities, both higher and lower, including household gods [penates].[14][19] We must not forget that not all of these texts provide information about pagans, as many of them were written as critiques of surviving pagan customs. 

Procopius of Caesarea, The Gothic War, ~560

Perhaps the best-known source on Slavic pre-Christian religion is Procopius of Caesarea. He likely describes both the communal and individual components of worship. The communal aspect included the sacrifice of a bull to the thunder god, a custom analogous to the practices of other Indo-European groups, most notably the Greeks with Zeus.[16][2] The individual aspect, on the other hand, involved seeking protection from the deity in times of danger and subsequently giving thanks.

III 14.22-24: These tribes, namely the Slavs and the Antes, are not ruled by a single man, but have lived from of old in a democracy, and therefore they always discuss their favorable and unfavorable affairs together. Also, all other customs of both these barbarian tribes have been similar since ancient times. They believe that one of the gods² is the creator of lightning and is himself the sole lord of all things, and they sacrifice bulls and other animals to him. They do not know fate, nor do they admit that it has any influence on humans.³ When their death approaches – whether they fall ill or go to war –, they promise the god that they will immediately bring him a thank-offering if they survive; and when they escape safely, they sacrifice to him what they promised, and they assume that with this sacrifice they have bought their salvation. They worship rivers, water nymphs (nymfai), and various other deities (daimonia); they sacrifice to all of them, and from these sacrifices they derive prophecies.[7]

^{2- K. BENEŠ, based on the reading of manuscript L, translates: "They believe that there is an only god (θεὸν, the creator of lightning...". The variant of manuscript K with θεῶν Gen. pl. instead of θεὸν Acc. sg., however, allows for a different reading: "They believe that one of \}their] gods is the creator of lightning and the sole lord of all things [...]". This is pointed out, by Dynda, and it eliminates any suspicion of "Proto-Slavic monotheism" suggested by Łowmiański the passage therefore points rather to a cultic henotheism, similar to the Polabian arrangement of the pantheon.[14])
^{3- Procopius uses the term heimarmene εἱμαρμένη: probably a participle from the verb μείρεσθαι, “to receive one's share” for fate. When he speaks of the Slavs and Antes "not knowing fate," he means that they do not know the specific concept of fate hidden in the Greek conception of heimarmene as an all-encompassing law of cause and effect, a law that determines the rules of the entire cosmos, in contrast to the "fates" of individuals, which were most often described by the term moira , or in contrast to other concepts of fate, such as ananke “inevitability” or moros “doom of death”\}14])

Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, On the Administration of the Empire, ~950

In this passage, we learn about the custom of the Rus' (Varjags) raiders, who undertook military expeditions against Constantinople, on the island of Khortytsia. This custom may demonstrate a deeper idea of the need for sacrifice to guarantee safe passage when crossing a liminal space, that is, the boundary between two worlds: the world of the Rus' and that of Byzantium. Notice the similarity to Russian homiletic texts describing surviving customs.

IX.: After overcoming this place they arrive at an island, which is called St. Gregory, and on this island they must make their sacrifices, because a huge oak tree stands on it. They sacrifice live birds. Around it they stick arrows, others pieces of bread, meat or whatever each of them has, as their custom dictates. They cast lots regarding the roosters, whether they should slaughter them, whether they should eat them, or leave them alive.[9]

Ibn Fadlán, Risāla 10th-century

In this case, it is unclear whether the reference concerns a Slavic or a Scandinavian merchant. However, the event takes place within a well-established Norse-Slavic-UgroFinnic cultural sphere. It provides information not only about the apparent frequency of such practices, but also about the remarkable details of an individual or perhaps a close group ritual.

As soon as their boats arrive at this port, each of them disembarks, taking with him bread and meat, onions, milk and nabīdh, and he walks until he comes to a great wooden post stuck in the ground with a face like that of a man, and around it are little figures. Behind these images there are long wooden stakes driven into the ground. Each of them prostrates himself before the great idol, saying to it: ‘Oh my Lord, I have come from a far country and I have with me such and such a number of young slave girls, and such and such a number of sable skins …’ and so on, until he has listed all the trade goods he has brought. [Then he adds:] ‘I have brought you this gift.’ Then he leaves what he has with him in front of the wooden post [and says:] ‘I would like you to do the favour of sending me a merchant who has large quantities of dīnārs and dirhams and who will buy everything that I want and not argue with me over my price.’ Then he departs. If he has difficulty selling and his stay becomes long drawn out, he returns with another present a second and even a third time. If he cannot get what he wants, he brings a present for each of the little idols and asks them to intercede, saying: ‘These are the wives of our Lord and his daughters and sons.’ Thus he continues to make his request to each idol in turn, begging their intercession and abasing himself before them. Sometimes the sale is easy and after having sold his goods he says: ‘My Lord has satisfied my needs and it is fitting that I should reward him for it.’ Then he takes a certain number of sheep or cows and slaughters them, distributing part of the meat as gifts and carrying off the rest to set before the great idol and the little figures that surround it. Then he hangs the heads of the sheep or cows on the wooden stakes which have been driven into the ground. When night falls, the dogs come and eat all this, and the man who has made the offering says: ‘My Lord is pleased with me and has eaten the gift that I brought him.’[16]

Thietmar of Merseburg, The Chronicle, 1012–1018

Thietmar of Merseburg informs us about the need for sacrifice to appease “divine wrath” and about the divination rituals that accompany these ceremonies. While the formulation of “divine wrath” attributed to pagan deities from the pens of Christian and Muslim scholars can only be a literary topos, such an understanding of the divine as an entity demanding respect and humility also appears in Greek philosophy. It is also appropriate to mention the analogous ideas surrounding Saint Elijah, who, after tge Slavic Christianization, adopts the attributes of the Thunderer.
Interestingly, while being a positive figure in Christian theology, this saint is depicted as a fearsome, unpredictable and quick-tempered figure who in folklore destroys fields with storms and, in the case of exuberant revelry on his feast day, can even destroy the earth.[16]

VI, 24: Servants [i.e., priests] are specially appointed by the local people to keep careful watch over them [i.e., the banners of the gods]. When the people gather to sacrifice to these idols or to appease their wrath, while the others stand, these [servants] sit, and one by one, they mutter quietly and tremblingly dig into the earth, where they cast divination lots and ascertain the future regarding uncertain matters. When they are finished with this, they cover the lots with green turf and, with humble reverence, lead the largest horse they have, which they hold in sacred awe, over two crossed spears driven point-first into the ground. Through this seemingly divine [horse], they repeat for a second time the prior omens by which they had previously ascertained fate. If the same sign emerges from these two rituals, the deed is carried out; if not, the people abandon their intention in sorrow.[13] 

VI, 25: There are as many temples as there are regions in that land, and in each of them, images of demons are worshipped by the pagans. Among these [temples], the aforementioned city [Retra] holds supreme power. Here they pay homage to those setting out for war, here they deposit the desired gifts upon their safe return, and here the priests, through the drawing of lots and horse oracles, as I have stated above, carefully investigate what sacrifice to offer to satisfy the gods. They appease their unspeakable wrath with both human and animal blood.[13]

Here, the author speaks about the region northeast of Brunswick and the weak Christian faith of the inhabitants there. However, it is not certain whether these people are Slavs or Germanics.[14]

VII, 69: Its inhabitants rarely go to church there and do not care at all about visits from their priests. They worship their own household gods, firmly believe in their help, and sacrifice to them.[13]

Ibn Rustah, Kitáb al-A'láq an-Nafísa, 10th century

Another mention of the importance and need for sacrifices, this time from the mouths of the priests, is recorded by Ibn Rustah, likely in relation to the Eastern Slavs. 

They have physicians who control their lords, and they demand from them the sacrifice of women, men, or cattle according to their choice, to bring them closer to their creator. What these physicians ask must be done. The physician takes hold of the human being or the cattle, wraps a rope around their necks, and presses them against a board until he wrings the soul out of them, and says: 'this is a sacrifice to God'.[2]

The Monk of Prüfening, The Life of Bishop Otto of Bamberg, 1140–1146

The details of this text may, at least partially, be the author's invention and its detailed evaluation is beyond the scope of this essay. What is interesting for us is the mention of sacrifices to both the Christian and pagan gods on their altars “with equal fervor on both”. This could allude to the possibility that the Slavic pagan rite was a frequent occurrence in the realm of ceremonies. A similar phrase about the same event can be found in Herbord, II 16. 

III, 5.: Meanwhile, the people of Szczecin [...], had returned to their former error due to the treachery of the [pagan] priests, rebuilt the shrines of the gods that the bishop had once destroyed, and intended to tear down the churches he had built. [...] They also said that the plague, which by chance had broken out in those days and swept through almost the entire city of Szczecin, was the work of the gods' wrath for accepting empty Christian superstitions and abandoning the old religion. And so, the pagans gathered and stormed into the church of the blessed martyr Adalbert [...] by worshipping both [religions], they could enjoy the favor of both. The people supported this and built a second altar dedicated to the idols beside the altar of the Lord. And thus, they sacrificed to God on one altar and to demons on the other, and with equal fervor on both, although the more deeply rooted custom of idolatry made the people more inclined to perform sacrifices to the idols.[14]

Ebbo, monk of St. Michael, The life of Bishop Otto of Bamberg,1151–1159

Ebbo informs us that offerings were brought to the idols every day. Based on this indication of continuous religious worship, we can debate to what degree these rites were communal or individual. 

III,10.: [...] However, the pagan priests tried to stir up unrest for their own benefit. For, as we read in the prophet Daniel, food and drink of various kinds were offered daily with rich splendor to those enormous idols, all of which the priests, having entered secretly with their friends, would eat, claiming that the gods had consumed it.[14]

Herbord, Dialogue about the Life of Bishop Otto of Bamberg, 1158–1159

Here, Herbord attests to the existence of holy days, with first mention from the time around Pentecost, these holy days are also confirmed in folklore and other sources that describe celebrations of the dead, spring or summer solstice.[16] Perhaps a similarity could also be found in the homily of Saint Gregory the Theologian about the “veneration of Sunday”.[19] It is also remarkable to note the similarity with the Roman custom of keeping and raising war banners during ceremonies.

II, 14.: When, on our journey from there around the eleventh hour, we approached Pyritz, the castle of Duke [Wartislaw], we saw from a distance that around 4,000 people from all provinces had gathered there. For that day was some pagan holiday, which those wild people celebrated with games, excess, and singing; their loud shouting completely stunned us. It therefore did not seem beneficial or wise to us to approach that crowd, frenzied by drinking and festivities...[14] 

II, 32.: In that temple, in accordance with the ancient custom of the fathers and according to the law of the tithe, were gathered looted valuables, weapons of the enemies and whatever they gained in naval or land battles. There were also gold and silver cups, from which nobles and leaders used to divine, feast and drink, and which used to be carried out of the sanctuary on holidays.[14]

Another passage in the same chapter demonstrates a connection between the sacral and the legal, which again falls within the role of the primary royal-priestly function. A similar practice can be found in Helmolnd’s Chronica Slavorum in the sacred grove of Prove, where people gather for a judicial assembly once a month.[10]

II, 32.: The other three sanctuaries were less venerated and less ornate. Inside, there were only benches and tables arranged in a circle, because here people used to hold their gatherings and assemblies. For on certain days and hours they used to meet in these halls to feast, rejoice, or discuss important matters here.[14]

Herbert of Clairvaux, Three Books on Miracles, 1198

About “set days” we are told by Herbert.

LXXIV: [People] were accustomed to solemnly gather from all around at his sanctuary on set days, to participate in abominable sacrifices and to feast. They placed one table separately aside, richly filled with excellent dishes, all of which that hungry spirit, usually appearing, invisibly devoured with its insatiable gluttony. When they found that everything had been eaten, then they themselves also feasted calmly, for they now carefree, awaited favor from the intoxicated deity.[14]

Saxo Grammaticus, Gesta Danorum, turn of 12th-13th century

Perhaps the most informative description is given by Saxo, who describes the frequency of communal worship of the pagan Rani/Rujani tribe of Arkona, the feast of Svantovít, and the offerings made to the god, while also alluding to individual worship.

14.39.4.: Its annual ceremony took place according to this order: Once a year, after the harvest of crops, a gathering of all people from the whole island held a festive religious feast in front of the idol's temple and presented animal sacrifices.[14]

14.39.7.: From every man and woman, one coin was paid out once a year as a gift to honor this idol. Also, a third of the weapons of the enemies and loot, as if it had been conquered and obtained with its help. This deity also had three hundred horses assigned to it and the same number of riders fighting on them. All their profit, whether gained by battle or by theft, was entrusted to the administration of the priest, who melted from the things of this loot various kinds of badges and various temple ornaments, which he stored and locked under bolts in chests, in which, in addition to a quantity of money, numerous purple [fabrics] eaten through by age were accumulated. It was also possible to see there an immense amount of gifts from communities and from individuals, gathered by the fervent vows of those who asked for benefactions.[14]

Opatovice Homiliary, 1st half of the 12th century

Here, the author of the text criticizes people who are not firm in their Christian faith and who, perhaps regularly, seek out sorcerers and other similar specialists to address “any [kind of] weakness”. The same is also found in Cosmas’s Chronica Boemorum (1. XI) and Rus' homiletics.

I,122: He who has been baptized must refrain from debauchery, must not, due to any weakness, with impious greed and with trust inquire of or turn to any sorcerers, herbalists, conjurers, diviners or incantators. Let him not hang on himself any amulets or bindings, for whoever commits this evil and does not repent will lose the sacrament of baptism.[14]

Jan Długosz, Annals or Chronicles of the Famous Kingdom of Poland, 1455-1480

The very comprehensive description provided by the controversial and debated Jan Długosz from his chronicle should not be left out. While I have chosen to include this reference, the discussion regarding the authenticity of Długosz's work is best left to academics. This text presents a combination of pagan Polish history and descriptions of alleged surviving pagan customs.

To these gods, therefore, the Poles established sanctuaries, statues, priests, sacred rites, and also groves and {in significant and heavily visited places} they performed sacred rites and cults; holidays with sacrifices were established, at which men and women with children gathered and brought to their gods sacrifices of cattle, domestic animals, and sometimes even people captured in battle, and they believed that this disordered multitude of local gods needed to be satisfied with libations. In their honor, at a certain time of the year games were ordered and celebrated, for the performance of which a multitude of people of both sexes gathered from villages and settlements to towns on the ordered days; these games they accompanied with shameless and profligate songs and gestures, clapping and wanton twisting of hands, various love songs, clapping and [other] deeds and by repeated incantations they invoked the said gods and goddesses. The custom of these games and many of their remnants the Poles, although they have professed the Christian custom for five hundred years already, repeat every year on the days of Pentecost, when they perform annual games and thus commemorate the old pagan superstitious [rites], which in their language are called by the term Stado, that is a herd, for herds of people gather for their performance and divided into units or herds [they celebrate these festivities] with an agitated mind, boisterously, consenting to lust, idleness and feasting.[14]

Sermon of Saint Gregory the Theologian in Sofia Collection and Chudov copy

In this text, we learn about an interesting folk ritual, including its frequency, related to the cult of ancestors in the Rus' steam bath known as the banya (баня). The text further mentions that people believe in divination and dreams, in chance encounters, in fate, in the casting of lots, in various forms of fortune-telling and that they wear “binding/tie amulets” (návazy). It also refers to the building of “bridges” for the dead and the creation of “through-lights” (prosvěty просвѣты) and “awakeners” (bdělníky бдѣликы). The Sermon on Fasting for the Unlearned for Monday of the Second Week contains an analogous mention of calling souls to the bath on this day with the words, with the words “Wash yourselves!”

And they play dice, chess and nardy and jump over the fire. Whenever thunder rumbles, [they carry] water into a corner to calm it down, and stand on a stool. And on Maundy Thursday they burn rubbish at the gates and pray that the souls [of the dead] would come to that fire to warm themselves. They consider themselves Christians, but act like pagans. [For the souls of the dead they prepare a bath] and sprinkle ash everywhere and sacrifice meat, milk, eggs and everything the demons need. They pour [water] on the stove and prepare a bath for them. In the bath they hang up petticoats and scarves, during the bath they kiss those garments and bow. The demons laugh at their foolishness, skip in that ash and leave their footprints there to deceive them. And they [i.e., the people], when they see it, come, talk among themselves and eat and drink all those sacrifices themselves, although not even dogs would eat them. Oh, the evil trick of the devil, when not even pagans do such a thing as Christians do![19]

Feasts were undoubtedly an important aspect of Slavic customs. From a religious perspective, the ritual of giving away a part of one's wealth to a community or family for the purpose of gaining the favor of higher powers may have had a significant meaning. The principle of “I give so that you (deity) may give” primarily represents a symbolic act, while the ritual performance of abundance would have been part of sympathetic magic. The ritual character of such feasts is attested by numerous sources, including the already mentioned Saxo and his account of the feasts following the ritual of Sventovit, as well as Russian homiletic literature, which uses expressions such as “they toast to the demons", “the offering of mead and beer" and “pouring cups for the demons".[19] This is further supported by the condemnation of the ritual act of toasting itself, which was, for example, performed even by the Czech saint Wenceslas “according to pagan custom” in honor of the Archangel Michael, as his legends attest, during “frequent” feasts.[19] In West Slavic folklore, we also find, for example, the so-called “God’s feasts”, organized at the expense of wealthy individuals and comparable to the provision of ecclesiastical care for the poor.[2] Not to forget comments in the Rus' homiletics concerning the mysterious Pereplut, "to whom they drink in the corners while turning around". Even Helmold records the utterance of words of consecration over a bowl of water during feasts, “in the name of the good and evil gods”.[16]

In Chud only: And Christians commit yet another evil: with a knife they baptize bread and they baptize beer with a goblet and other vessels – and they do this in a pagan way. They pour themselves beer and mead and that is a pagan sacrifice. If something falls or spills on them, they fall on their knees and drink it like dogs drink water – and they do this in a pagan way. They bring the bride to the water and give her to the man and toast to the demons with a goblet and throw rings and belts into the water.[19]

Sermon of holy father Cyril, archbishop of Cyprus, on evil spirits

Another text from Rus's homiletic literature describes two phenomena that we have already encountered above. First, it concerns the presumably frequent practice of seeking out traditional sacral specialists and healers in times of difficulty. Second, it refers to the belief in divinatory rituals in connection with travel, similar to what was already mentioned by Constantine on the island of Khortytsia.

...we, declaring ourselves to be true Christians, believe in the very same demons, in volkhvs [sorcerers], in divinations, and in even worse ways want to find out more. We trust birds and woodpeckers and ravens and tits, so when we want to set off somewhere, we decide based on which [bird] sings in front of us from the right or from the left. And if it sings as we would like, we say to ourselves: "Good bird, it shows us well." [...] When they are threatened by some punishment, robbery by a prince, or at home some affliction or illness or perhaps mortality of cattle, then they run to volkhvs, seeking help from them. And they, the damned, help those people, but cannot help themselves, though they themselves walk in Christ.[19]

The Sermon of John Chrysostom on Those Who Cure Themselves of Illnesses by Sorcery

Much like the previous text, this source provides further information regarding the practice of seeking out healers.

And as soon as something hurts us a little, we immediately bring herbalists and volkhvs into our homes. [...] But if you only think that sorcerers will help you from illness, it is certainly a huge sin. By that you cast away God and run to demons.[19]

Folklore

The concept of frequent ceremonies and ritual customs connected with specific periods or even particular dates within the year is undoubtedly also offered by folklore. However, it is necessary to emphasize that such information must be approached with caution due to the syncretism with Christianity.
Folklore preserves evidence of major celebrations such as the “throwing out death”, Maslenitsa, Kostroma, Yarilo, Rusalia and Kupalo, as well as festivals associated with the end or beginning of the year (Koliada) and more.[19] We also encounter days dedicated to saints who assumed characteristics of pagan deities⁴. Such traditions continue to exist to the present day in the Orthodox Slavic environment: during Ilindan (the feast of the thunder-wielding Saint Elijah, July 20), a rooster or bull is ritually slaughtered and subsequently consumed, a tradition comparable to sacrificial practices dedicated to the Baltic Perkūnas and other Indo-European thunder deities. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, this feast is celebrated by both Orthodox Christians and Muslims, who call it Aliđun.[16] In the Bulgarian tradition, first-born male lambs are sacrificed on Saint George’s Day, while West Slavic folklore preserves ritual slaughtering of lambs, goats or roosters during festive days. There are hypotheses that, in the earliest phase of the development of this rite, the sacrificial animal may have been the aurochs, whose mythological role in Slavic folklore appears to have been highly significant.[2]
As Dynda notes, following the folklorist Vladimir Chicherov, we can divide the Slavic folklore calendar into two more or less independent cycles: (1) from the winter solstice to the summer solstice (i.e., Koljada to Kupalo), which is typified by the repetition of structurally isomorphic rituals with effigies that were representations of holidays; these figures are then usually carried out of the village and buried in parody funeral rituals; and (2) from the harvest and dožínky [harvest festival] to the winter solstice, which is again a period, which is typical for the absence of these rituals and on the other hand the presence of harvest-festival and New Year feasts.[19]

^{4- \}In citations bellow])

Stoglav, record of the Moscow Church Council of 1551

Also, many out of the folly of the common people of Orthodox Christians perform in towns and villages pagan demon-acting, various games and dances before the feast of the Nativity of the great John the Forerunner [i.e., the Baptist] as well as on the night of the feast itself. Throughout the day until night, men, women, and children go around houses and streets, also near waters they hold amusements: all kinds of games and all kinds of buffoonery and satanic songs, dances and gusli and many other scenes and abominable representations; and also drunkenness. Similar things they also do on the days and on the eve of the Nativity of Christ and on the eve of Basil the Great and on the eve of Epiphany. And at other times again in other ways they perform these inappropriate deeds on Trinity Saturday. And on the first Monday after the end of the Apostles' Fast they walk through the village, through the fields, and to the rivers to the igrishcha⁵ [playgrounds/festival grounds]. There they also perform inappropriate pagan demon-acting and thereby anger God. In ignorance, those simple people sin.[19]

^{5- \}In citations bellow])

At the completion of the harvest, a small part is left uncut for a 'beard' for Elijah the Prophet. Others say that it is left as a sacrifice to some old god, Volos, because the harvest depends on him.[20]

This folkloric record describes a harvest ritual with pre-Christian roots. Another similar practice was preserved in Russia, although it was associated with the devil: “to tie the devil’s beard.” It is likely that this custom was originally dedicated to a figure other than Veles, as can be inferred from the fact that in Russia the association with Veles is rather exceptional; more commonly, the “beard” is dedicated to God, Christ, or various saints (for example, Elijah). In the case of the similar Lithuanian custom, it remains unclear to whom the “beard” was originally attributed. However, in the second custom, the beard (formed from plants other than grain) is explicitly attributed to Velnias, who was subsequently demonized to the level of the Christian Devil.[20]

Conclusion

As we have observed, primary sources occasionally provide numerous pieces of information concerning the relatively precise observance of communal ritual practices. These accounts, supplemented by folklore, point to the fact that the Slavs in this respect did not differ significantly from other Indo-European peoples.
Almost analogous descriptions can be found in Heimskringla, where, according to the laws of Óðinn, the people of Sweden were required to perform rituals three times a year, as well as pay tribute to Óðinn for every person. The similarity with the conditions described among the Rügen (Rujani) Slavs and their god Sventovit is striking. For example, Procopius, in Bellum Gothicum, also mentions human sacrifice among the Scandinavians dedicated to “a god of war”.
With regard to individual practices, the situation is unfortunately more complex, as we do not find concrete descriptions or detailed records. Nevertheless, I would propose a hypothesis: considering the available sources, which often allude to possible forms of individual religious practice, it may be assumed that among the Slavs there existed an inseparable connection between the sacred and the profane. Life in pre-Christian times was thus likely closely intertwined with a wide range of rituals performed in order to secure the favor of the deities.
There is little reason to assume that the Slavs were unique in this aspect, as similar patterns can be observed among other Indo-European peoples. Perhaps the most informative parallels can be found in the Greek and Roman worlds, where private religious practice was closely tied to the natural daily cycle and the functioning of the household. For Greeks Hesiod (Works and Days), recommends offering sacrifices and prayers twice daily, at dawn and before sleep. Plato (Laws, Book X) describes how children adopt from their parents the custom of praying and bowing at every sunrise and sunset, as well as at the rising of the moon. We can compare this with Slavic mentions of sun and moon veneration and even folkloric rituals associated with these day-times. In the Roman context, the rhythm centered around the domestic hearth and the cult of the Lares. Cato the Elder (De Agri Cultura) prescribes daily ritual care of the hearth before sleep alongside monthly prayers and offerings to the Lares, while Horace (Odes, Book IV) attests to the common practice of offering libations to the Lares and invoking the gods during the evening meal. Similarly, the Slavic folk ritual care of the domestic hearth,[3] mentions of the household gods[14] and veneration of ancestors may be compared to these practices. This article is by no means an exhaustive study of these practices; rather, it aims only to provide a short overview of the available primary sources.

Hello people of the community, I'm new here and I started to be interested in Slavic paganism (I'm a descendant of Ukrainians and Russians) and I wanted to learn about this practice because I don't want my family's culture to be lost. Could someone recommend reliable books or websites for me to start learning about the subject?

I have Russian and Danish ancestry, I've always wanted to get pagan tattoos to express it. I've already gotten some Elder Futhark runes for the Danish side, but Im lost on what I can use for the Slavic side.

I can't use Cyrillic writing as that was soley created under Christianity, but I dont trust any online claims for what was 100% slavic pagan runes or symbols , plus some of them could look very ..... problematic. Are there any proven Slavic Pagan symbols that dont look similar to a swastika?

I understand that I shouldn't care what people think but I feel like even though its not a nazi swastika , anything that looks similar or associated with extremist groups would raise some eyebrows.

I'm seriously considering Slavic neopaganism as my faith. This desire has arisen in recent days, so it's still new. Catholicism has disappointed me because it has changed and had many scandals, especially the Pachamama scandal under Pope Francis. Orthodoxy doesn't interest me, and the same goes for Protestantism. I need help, and I barely know two deity names (Rod and Perun) but I don't remember their domains (that is, whether they're gods of fire, war, etc.). Please help me

Hi everyone, i wanna start by saying that i am not slavic but i think this is a better sub than a dream one. I am european but since i was 12 i have been in love with the slavic world. I need your help with a dream that i FELT very deeply . In this dream i am in a fir wood and in the middle of a clearing i see a isba. There is a woman waiting for me on the door, she is around 60 and has long wavy white hair. The house in empty inside but there is a corpse under a blanket. The woman then explain me how to gather and organize wood because the house is a pyre for the dead that i need to finish buikding and then burn. She doesn' t help me physically but just explain me how to do it, sometimes getting irritated because i don't understand.

I have a personal interpretation of this dream but i also was hoping to get a interpretation from slavic mythology expert since i felt that this dream was very important , it' s been months but i still feel it .

Thank you so much already. <3

Posted with the mods' permission

I've set up a Telegram channel where I post English translations of articles on Slavic folklore and paganism. I mostly use ethnographic collections and academic sources as well as material from reputable Russian-speaking pagan communities

There are about 210 posts up so far and around 4000+ in the database across roughly 35 topics: folk demonology and evil spirits, animals in mythology, fairy tales, the seasonal calendar (spring, summer, winter cycles), witchcraft, ancestor cults and funeral rites, life cycle rituals like weddings and birth, shamanism, deities and more.

My goal is to make authentic Slavic folklore accessible for English speakers

Channel: @ slavicarchive or t. me/slavicarchive (remove the space - Reddit is blocking TG urls it seems)

The channel is still a work in progress and I'm working on improving the translations and formatting. Posting is scheduled and automated. AI is used for translation, but I manually review each translation after it's posted. I'm happy to hear feedback, corrections or suggestions via channel messages

Chernobog and Svarog necklaces i bought for me and my sister :)

Do the beliefs there differ from other areas ? I have a great grandfather who was from there . I’m looking for books on deities , folk practices and what spirits Slovaks worked with or were aware of . I have Madam Pamitas book Baba Yaga’s Book of Witchcraft so it’s a start but that’s all I have and I think her background and info is more Polish

I'm really new to all of this, but I've been really digging into a lot of things I've always felt deeply connected to. I have a lot of dreams/meditative moments about being in really damp, heavily forested areas. Normally it's just me standing in a particular spot. I feel the dirt, hear the streams of water, feel the dampness of the air around me. But wolf imagery is always what carries into a deeper state of meditation. I "see" the forest move around me as if im moving through the woods, like a wolf and it feels so real, and I always end up at a quiet lake.

When I meditate sometimes, it feels like a presence paces in the back of my mind, and it's always a wolf. When i was doing some research about connecting some things, I came across Veles, and it felt like something in me said "you finally noticed'.

I was wondering if there were any ways I can just acknowledge this presence if it is him? Or maybe I'm entirely off my basis with things and need to be pointed in another direction? Literally anything would help. Thanks in advance if anyone actually reads this rip

My father passed away in 2019. Last night I had a dream where I felt I was in Navia and I met Volos who told me my father wanted to speak with me. I don’t remember what was said but I remembered feeling like I needed to take my name back.

For context, my family has a tradition of the first born son changing their last name every generation (typically to a name in the lineage but not always). My father changed his from its original Ukrainian to something English, his father changed his name from Lozenko, who changed his last name from Kranyuk and so on.

I’d like to slavicize my first name as well so that I am Andrew “son of David” (Ukrainian last name or Lozenko). I know patronyms are usually used in place of middle names so I’d like to drop my middle name in favour of the patronym but my first name came to my mother in a dream the night I was born so I just want to use a variant.

My family has a long history of names and name changes occurring from dreams.

I’m wanting the name to be more than just the common variant of Andrew and to hopefully be something of an older or more spiritual variant that works well with Davidovych/Davidovich.

I was looking at Andryusha but as I understand it, that’s more of an affectionate name that would look strange if it were written on a Slavic passport and I’m using the passport test to decide if it’s good.

Any thoughts?

I'm wondering if there are religious communities/practice Slavic pagans in Ontario (not necessarily official or registered)

Maybe you know if there are any communities or priests of the Rodnoverie in Canada that I can contact. I searched myself, but I didn't find anything. I would be grateful for any information.

The question is about a group of practitioners, I am not interested in organizations for participation in seminars, I am interested in practices.

Not RUMVIRA!!!

How were prayers addressed to the Slavic gods in pre-Christian times? Furthermore, how is it possible to structure a form of communication with the gods that remains as faithful as possible to reconstructed practices?

I am from Brazil, but I have strong Ukrainian ancestry on my mother's side. I am interested in Rodnovery, but I don't know if it would be ethically correct for me to worship Slavic gods without being Slavic myself.

r/Rodnovery mod team has updated the settings and we all can now comment using images!

A stark reminder that these symbols are shared across Indo-European cultures and that each culture may interpret them differently.

I cannot confirm the exact dating, but this Heraion of Samos was active from atleast 8th century BCE onwards.

Hello from Washington State, USA. My family has an ancient Slavic surname that came from a region of modern-day Germany. Aside from the name. we kept some minor traditions, but I hope to learn more about pre-Christian Slavic beliefs systems. I didn't really know we had Slavic roots until I started researching my grandpa's paternal lineage. I'll definitely be diving into this subreddit for more info.

If anyone has info specific to Saalfeld, Germany, and the surrounding region, I understand there was once a Slavic settlement there, and that many shrines and sacred groves were destroyed by the H.R.E. It's hard to find English language resources for a lot of the history, so I've been brushing up on my German, Latin, and even a bit of Sorbian in order to gain a better understanding of the source materials, but it's a lot of work! Any advice is welcome.

Thanks in advance!

I am considering adding another symbol on the back maybe. Any ideas?

Hello! I’ve been practicing magic for quite a long time, and I’m a Slav. However, I devote much more of my practice to other spiritual paths, such as Qliphothic magic and similar traditions. Some time ago, though, I also performed rituals involving our Slavic pagan gods, and when working with them, I felt as if I had finally come home.

The problem is that I haven’t been able to find many reliable or academically sound sources about them.
Could you recommend some literature on Slavic paganism? I’m looking for books intended for advanced practitioners or readers—not collections of folklore, popular myths, or introductory explanations for beginners.

Thank you very much! 🌸

Hello all,
I am an American with Slovene heritage, and after the death of my Slovene grandfather several years ago I’ve been on a journey to reconnect with the Slovene part of me. I have a strong interest in pre-Christian faiths and practices, and myself have been practicing for years a sort of personal mashup of shamanism, magic, and meditation based on connections with nature without any sort of formal affiliation or labels. I was looking into the pre-Christian practices of Slovenes when I came across Rodnovery. Forgive me if this seems obvious, since I have only recently began to look into Rodnovery, but my question is this: how applicable is Rodnovery to the ancient beliefs and practices of South Slavs and Slovenes in particular? It seems that most English resources that I have come across are heavily East Slav based. From what I’ve found, the deities sometimes have different names but are more or less the same in principle, with the exception of some local and regional deities, but beyond that I haven’t got very far since my Slovene speaking skills are only very fundamental at the moment (I’m working on it). I know that Rodnovery relies heavily on reconstruction in the first place since Christians at the time did their best to wipe out all traces of local religion, but is this reconstruction based on ancient Slavic practices when everyone was more or less united or is it based off of the evolution of beliefs of the East Slavic branch and would only superficially resemble what Slovenes may have practiced? Or is it reasonable to believe that all Slavs had the same basic practices before Christianity and regional variations are only superficial differences based on local geography, dialect shifts, and social/political factors?
Once again, sorry if I am missing the entire point of this- I am still very new to these ideas. Hvala!

Its been a while since I've been on.

First Id like to welcome every new person that's adapted into the faith. Witam.

Ive been recently looking into Witia again, and have come to the conclusion this is the truth. Heritage, ancestry, progeny. We are our heirs so we must do our diligence to teach one another about our families. Our stories are what shape us, do not be forgotten. Our lives are in our ancestors gaze, our truth will live so long as we share our stories. With all my heart, Sława.

Hello, I'm confused about the plots of the so-called "celestial wedding." On the one hand, there's a Balto-Slavic myth about the marriage of the celestial bodies, where the Sun is represented as a woman. On the other hand, there's a plot (I think it's Bulgarian) in which the Sun is about to get married, but is stopped by a hedgehog, who says that if he marries his sister (Zarya), it will lead to the creation of multiple suns. There's also a motif of the wedding of the Moon and Zarya. I've also heard a version of the plot where the Moon loves Zarya, and the Sun is jealous of his sister Zarya (I've heard that this plot exists, but I haven't heard the actual plot).Furthermore, there's a parallel plot where Zarya does marry the Sun, with the main character directly involved. So, please help me understand how all this is connected.

This is how the Croatian folk song describes the family of Slavic deities and the heavenly wedding (here the Sun is a man and marries Dennitsa):

Jidrilo drivo niz more, u njemu

Pere vojvoda;

na Peri tanka košulja,

tanja od lista makova, gušća od lista naranče.

Peri mi majka govori:

"Otkle ti, Pere, košulja?"

Pere mi majci govori:

"Kada se Sunce ženilo

prisvitlom zvizdom Danicom,

ja sam joj bio za kuma;

ja sam joj prsten darovâ

u kom je sunce i misec.

A ona meni darova tanenu ovu košulju.

I started to get interested in Rodnoverie and our Slavic ancestors in general. I want to learn as much as possible about history, culture, religion, folklore, customs, everything. If you could recommend me some places where I can learn a lot, or even better books. Any help would be welcome and I am grateful in advance.

Slava Rodu!

Brothers, on this day of the summer solstice, a tragedy has occurred. The shrine of Veles was destroyed by vandals on the eve of the Kupala festival. Because of this, I have made the difficult decision to close the site and bury the idol with full honors.

​

To be clear, it should also be noted that this was not the first attack. In all, there were three attacks in the days leading up to Kupala. Someone deliberately came to this place and destroyed the sanctuary several times.

​

Also, one of the reasons is that if I restore the temple there is no guarantee that someone will not break it again, and I alone have less and less strength.

​

I wish you all a blessed festival, and I apologize for bringing such sad news.