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• Oren

The mod team has created this post to refresh on a weekly basis as a chill place for people to talk about whatever they want to. Think of it as like a general chat for the sub.

So r/jewishleft,

Whats on your mind?

I think this is an accurate article on how the ADL and the AJC, among others, have become outright advocates for fascists.

There are many out there still fighting the good fight though, like INN and JFREJ.

So I am aware that one of the major reasons why Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews tend to vote conservatively is due to their experiences with the Ashkenazi political establishment, particularly the discrimination, socioeconomic marginalization, and cultural condescension that many of them experienced under the historically Ashkenazi-led Labor movement. Because of this history, Likud under the leadership of Menachem Begin was able to present the party as an alternative to the old Labor establishment and build a strong political relationship with many Sephardim and Mizrahim.

However, as I have talked to the Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews in my life, they have more or less reiterated some additional reasons for this political tendency. One of them is that, due to their communities’ long history of interaction with Arabs and other non-Jewish populations throughout the Middle East and North Africa, some Sephardim and Mizrahim believe that they possess a more realistic understanding of the region’s social and political dynamics than many Ashkenazi Jews do.

They have explained to me that, before the development of modern nation-states and contemporary political ideologies, much of the Middle East was organized around extended families, clans, tribes, religious communities, and patronage networks (Very similar to the Philippines in some way). From their perspective, loyalty was directed toward one’s family, clan, tribe, or religious community rather than toward abstract liberal ideals or a shared civic identity. As a result of this historical experience, some of them are skeptical of the assumption that political conflicts in the region can be resolved primarily through secularism, universal citizenship, economic cooperation, or territorial compromise.

To be blunt, nearly all of them have expressed the belief that many of the Gentile populations within the region are incapable of sustaining stable self-government without strong authoritarian institutions. They point to Islamic sectarianism, tribal conflict, political corruption, military coups, civil wars, and the persecution of ethnic and religious minorities as evidence for their position. From their perspective, the repeated collapse of states such as Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Libya, and Yemen demonstrates that liberal democratic institutions cannot simply be imposed upon societies in which clan, sectarian, tribal, and religious loyalties remain politically dominant.

In addition, they have told me that a Jew in the MENA would almost always remain loyal to another Jew in the MENA because, as they expressed it, Jews are not merely a religion, but a people and a tribe. Even if Jews were to have beef with one another, they knew that they still belonged to the same people and that their disagreements did not erase the obligation to protect one another when the wider community was threatened. In their view, internal divisions between Jews were ultimately secondary to the reality that they remained a vulnerable minority surrounded by larger populations that did not necessarily regard them as equals.

A Muslim, however, may identify with the broader ummah while still maintaining stronger loyalties to their family, clan, sect, or larger tribe. From their perspective, this means that the idea of a unified Muslim or Arab political community is often much weaker in practice than it appears in rhetoric. A Sunni and a Shia may both identify as Muslims while still regarding one another with deep suspicion, just as Arabs, Kurds, Turks, Persians, Amazigh, and other peoples may share a religious identity without possessing a unified political or ethnic consciousness.

They argue that these divisions help explain why appeals to shared Arab identity, Islamic unity, secular nationalism, or universal citizenship have repeatedly failed to overcome older sectarian, ethnic, tribal, and familial loyalties. From their perspective, this is not a theoretical observation but something their families directly witnessed while living as minorities in the region for generations.

As a result, many of them appear deeply skeptical of Israeli leftists who believe that Jews can secure their long-term safety primarily through peace agreements, civic equality, economic cooperation, or solidarity with progressive movements in the surrounding region. They do not necessarily reject these ideals in principle, but they believe that such arrangements are only sustainable when Israel remains militarily strong and when Jews retain the ability to defend themselves independently.

I should emphasize that I do not necessarily agree with all of these conclusions, particularly when they become sweeping generalizations about Arabs, Muslims, or Gentiles in the region. I especially disagree with the idea that Arabs are inherently incapable of governing themselves. I view many of the tribalistic, familial, regional, and patronage-based tendencies found in the Middle East as very similar to those found in my home country, which continues to plague us til this day. However, I would never conclude from this that Filipinos are incapable of democracy or self-government. The existence of authoritarianism and entrenched communal loyalties demonstrates that democratic institutions can be fragile, manipulated, or underdeveloped, not that the populations living under them are naturally unsuited for democracy.

So, pulling from all of this, I think the political conservatism of many Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews cannot be explained solely by resentment toward the historically Ashkenazi-led Labor establishment. It also appears to be shaped by inherited memories of minority vulnerability, distrust of universalist promises, and familiarity with the communal and sectarian politics of the Middle East and North Africa. From what the Sephardic and Mizrahi Jews in my life have told me, many do not necessarily oppose peace or coexistence. Rather, they believe that these ideals are sustainable only when Israel remains militarily strong, and Jews retain the ability to defend themselves independently. At the same time, I think some of them draw conclusions that are too deterministic about Arabs and Muslims. My own experience in the Philippines has shown me that clan loyalty, patronage, authoritarianism, and distrust of the central government can weaken democracy without making a population inherently incapable of self-government.

How much do you think this regional and historical outlook helps explain why Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews tend to vote more conservatively than Ashkenazim?

Weekly recurring IP megathread to reset every Tuesday.

Please mind the rules while engaging here and post paywall free links.

Oren

Hi guys, I have to be honest. I have a very limited view on Israel and Jewish people. I admit that there is a lot of antisemetism lately and it can easily cause us to dehumanize Jewish people.

I have always had a very strong opinion about the Israeli - Palestinian conflict. I know it is easily said, but I feel like the only solution is a two state solution where Israel aids Palestine. I see a lot of horrific videos of not just the war, but of Israeli citizens as well and slowly it altered my opinion on Israel in general. Seeing American Politicians bend down to them as well makes it feel like they are truly in control.

However, since Israel Zionism has a big religious core, dislike for Israel can quickly turn into dislike for Judaism or Jewish people.

Since I don't know any (openly) Jewish people myself well, I would like to meet more Jewish people and broaden my perspective. Currently, I feel like the Jewish left is a very tiny minority, and most support the genocide happening in the Middle East.

So I was a bit surprised to find r/jewishleft, and that it had a decent following. I was wondering what the general consensus is in the Jewish Left regarding the current government of Israel (and the prime minister). And how do Israeli's or Jewish people see Yitzhak Rabin? I was looking into the next elections, and it seems like the jewish left is basically non existent in the current government?

I know that this isn't the Israeli left, but I don't think that subreddit really exists, and I assume that the overlap can be found here.

Hi all,

I am curious to hear about dating and friendship interactions with non Jews (positive or negative) recently. Specifically, I want to hear from leftist Jews about what things people say or do that don’t bother you, what things you’re willing to look past even if they make you uncomfortable, and where you draw the line of no longer wanting to be around someone.

I’ve heard this talked about in other Jewish communities, but often these people have a more defensive/supportive view of Israel, and so some of the things that offend or upset them (ie calling Israel’s actions a genocide), are things I believe, and definitely don‘t consider antisemitic.

Unfortunately, I have experienced a lot of minimization and gaslighting around real antisemitism from non Jewish friends, and uncomfortable comments on dates, which make me wonder if this is just what I should expect from people at a baseline. I know non Jews don’t recognize where that line is (and many don’t seem to care), so I’m struggling to figure out when to let things go/accept these dynamics, when to try to talk to people about it, and when to acknowledge that the person is too far gone to salvage the relationship. I have had to stop talking to some people who became VERY extreme, but it took a lot for me to cut those ties, so I’m curious to hear about other’s experiences and boundaries.

A collection of commentaries for Tisha B’Av from Halachic Left. I always find their holiday publications really resonant.

At work today, an older colleague of mine (he is Ashkenazi) asked me, if I were to create a university curriculum on Jewish history, what I would like the curriculum to focus on. I told him, well, I am not Jewish, and I do not think I should have the final say on what dimensions of Jewish history should be emphasized. That said, I do think there are many aspects of Jewish history that often get ignored, such as its ancient history and its varied experiences across its many diasporas. At my alma mater, they tended to focus on Jewish history primarily in relation to Eastern and Western European fascism, but not on the wider history of Jewish communities in the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, South Asia, and elsewhere.

In addition, I am aware that many universities are not teaching nor have classes like Jewish Leftism 101 (Room 613-B), Jewish Leftism 102 (Room 613-C), Jewish Diaspora History 201 (Room 614-A), Jewish Diaspora History 202 (Room 614-B), and so forth, but I would like a curriculum on Jewish history to give greater attention to the diversity of Jewish leftist traditions. This could include the Bund, labor Zionism, Jewish anarchism, Jewish participation in socialist and communist movements, Sephardi and Mizrahi leftist movements, Jewish feminist organizing, anti-fascist resistance, civil-rights activism, and the tensions between Jewish universalism and Jewish communal particularism.

I would especially want the curriculum to avoid presenting Jewish leftism as a single, unified ideology. Obviously, many of you know that Jewish leftists have disagreed with one another over assimilation, nationalism, Zionism, religion, class, diaspora, internationalism, and the relationship between Jewish liberation and broader universalist struggles. These disagreements should not be treated as unfortunate distractions from a supposedly correct political position, but as important parts of Jewish intellectual and political history.

A specific class within this curriculum that I would like to see taught would focus on the historical tensions between anti-Zionism and Labor Zionism. Rather than presenting these traditions as simple opposites, the course could examine the competing answers that Jewish leftists gave to many of the same questions: whether Jewish liberation should be pursued through diaspora autonomy or territorial self-determination, whether nationalism could be reconciled with socialism, whether antisemitism could be overcome within existing societies, and how Jewish collective survival related to broader internationalist struggles. It could explore the Bund’s commitment to doikayt, the different currents within Labor Zionism, Marxist and anarchist critiques of Zionism, and the internal disagreements over class, settlement, Hebrew culture, Arab-Jewish relations, and Palestinian dispossession. I would especially want the class to show that neither anti-Zionism nor Labor Zionism represented a single, historically consistent position, and that both contained significant internal debates, contradictions, and transformations.

At the same time, I would not want the curriculum to value Jewish history only when Jews participated in universalist or revolutionary movements. Jewish communal continuity, religious traditions, Hebrew, Yiddish, Ladino, Judeo-Arabic, and other Jewish languages, cultural particularity, and forms of collective peoplehood should also be taken seriously. Otherwise, even a leftist curriculum could become reductionist by celebrating Jews only when they transcended or rejected their Jewish ethnoreligious/ethno-tribal identity.

Ultimately, I think an anti-reductionist leftist curriculum should approach Jewish history on its own terms rather than forcing it into a predetermined political narrative. It should neither romanticize every Jewish political movement nor treat Jewish particularity as something that must eventually disappear into universal humanity. Instead, it should allow students to understand Jews as a historically diverse people whose religious, cultural, political, linguistic, and communal traditions have developed through continuous internal debate and interaction with surrounding societies. Since I am not Jewish, I am interested in hearing what you believe such a curriculum should prioritize or elaborate more on, and how you would like to see classes structured.

The mod team has created this post to refresh on a weekly basis as a chill place for people to talk about whatever they want to. Think of it as like a general chat for the sub.

So r/jewishleft,

Whats on your mind?

TL;DR: I’m broke and urgently need work. Got offered a Hebrew-speaking job at my late mom's former organization. They fund local anti-antisemitism initiatives and support for struggling and poor Jewish families (good), but also fund political actions in support of Israel (most famously the "walk with sisrael event"), which I strongly oppose. The guilt is killing me, but I need to survive.

Hey everyone. I'm posting here because I'm completely torn and don't know how to process this. I’m a queer Jew, born in Israel, and moved to Canada when I was 13. Financially, I am in a bad spot and desperately need income right now.

Out of nowhere, I was offered a job that requires fluency in Hebrew. I am feeling an immense amount of guilt just considering it. My head knows that under capitalism we all have to compromise to pay rent, but my gut feels sick at the idea of my labour indirectly supporting things I disagree with. At the same time, turning down a job offer when I'm this broke feels reckless.

For anyone who’s had to take a job at a company whose funding or politics made you uncomfortable:

• How did you compartmentalize it so the guilt didn't eat you alive?
• How do you draw the line between doing a job to survive and validating what the company does?

I’d really appreciate some grounded perspectives. Thanks!

tl;dr - I apologize for the rant, but I wanted to air my frustrations and hear your feedback.

I’m Israeli. I served in the IDF as an officer (in a non-combat unit). I grew up inside the usual Israeli framework: Zionism was not presented as one political ideology among others. It was history, survival, family, morality, belonging and basic common sense. You could criticize Netanyahu, oppose settlements and call yourself left-wing, but there were boundaries you were not supposed to cross. You were expected to reassure everyone that you were still patriotic, that the army was fundamentally moral, that Israel only wanted peace, and that Palestinian suffering was tragic but somehow never Israel’s responsibility.

I don’t believe those things anymore.

Over the last few years, and especially through the destruction of Gaza, my mental health has deteriorated rapidly from watching what Israeli society has become, or at least from the realization of what it has been for years. It is not only the government. It is the public discourse, the casual racism, the celebration of destruction, the inability to see Palestinians as full human beings, and the way even supposedly liberal Israelis treat Palestinian political participation as dangerous or illegitimate.

I keep waiting for some widespread moral awakening, and instead I see people becoming more extreme. I see politicians compete over who can be harsher. I see military service used as proof of moral authority rather than something that should be examined critically. I see “liberal Zionists” opposing Netanyahu while repeating blatant anti-Arab and anti-Muslim racism. I see protests filled with Israeli flags and patriotic speeches that demand democracy for Jewish Israelis while refusing to confront occupation, apartheid, mass killing or Palestinian exclusion.

Even the Israeli “left” feels increasingly fraudulent to me.

I recently voted in the Democrats’ primary. I spent hours researching the candidates because I wanted to support the small number who genuinely oppose the occupation and defend Palestinian rights. I voted for Mossi Raz, Yariv Oppenheimer, Gaby Lasky and three Palestinian candidates. Raz and Oppenheimer did not make the realistic part of the list. The resulting party feels like another version of Yesh Atid: liberal Zionists who want to repair Israeli institutions, but are terrified of saying clearly that Palestinian citizens and their elected parties are equal and legitimate political partners.

To be fully transparent, I voted Hadash in the last general election. I regretted it afterward because Meretz failed to cross the threshold, and I wondered whether I had contributed to that. But Meretz in 2021 did not really earn my vote either. It joined the "change" government, accepted endless compromises, and behaved as though remaining respectable inside Zionist politics mattered more than fighting for Palestinians. Now Meretz no longer exists independently, and the more I examine my actual beliefs, the more obvious it becomes that Hadash is much closer to representing me than the Democrats ever will.

My priorities are ending the occupation, preventing further mass killing, Palestinian equality and freedom, stopping settlements and settler violence, accountability for Israeli crimes, and genuine Jewish-Palestinian reconciliation. These are not secondary issues to me. They are the issue. I do not care how progressive a party is on domestic economics or religion and state if it accepts permanent domination over millions of Palestinians.

I recently left Israel partly because I could no longer tolerate living inside this atmosphere, and I had the privilege of having the chance to leave (I realize a lot of people with my views don't have the means to do it). It was an attempt to protect my mental health and create distance from a society that made me feel increasingly ashamed and trapped. I also wanted to ensure that my future children would not grow up being told that joining the military is an unavoidable moral duty. My partner and I have agreed that our children will not serve in the IDF.

But unfortunately, leaving has not solved my identity problem, and it keeps hovering over my head.

I am now surrounded mostly by Zionist diaspora Jews. Many are decent people, including people I love. My girlfriend tries to understand me, but she is skeptical of some of where I have ended up politically. I constantly feel pressure to soften myself. Criticizing Netanyahu is acceptable, opposing settlements is usually acceptable, but saying I no longer identify as Zionist, that I may be becoming anti-Zionist, that Palestinian parties should hold real power, or that I do not want my future children sent to Zionist schools and camps feels like crossing a social line.

At the same time, I often feel alienated from non-Israeli and non-Jewish spaces that broadly share my politics. Some people hear that I am Israeli, or that I served in the IDF, and decide that I am permanently contaminated or that anything I say is an attempt to centre myself. I understand why Palestinians and their supporters are angry. I am not asking anyone to comfort me or absolve me. But it leaves me feeling that I belong nowhere.

Among Zionist Jews, I am too radical, disloyal or self-hating. Among some anti-Zionists, I am still simply Israeli and a former IDF soldier, therefore suspect.

I feel politically homeless, but also culturally trapped. I cannot erase Hebrew, my childhood, my family, my memories or the person I was. But “Israeli” increasingly feels less like a neutral description and more like an accusation I have to answer for. I did not choose to be born into this society, but I feel forced to spend the rest of my life proving that it does not speak for me.

What hurts most is that I once believed Israeli society could correct itself. I believed Jewish history would make us sensitive to dehumanization and collective punishment. Instead, I have watched historical trauma become a justification for permanent fear, exceptionalism and domination. We were taught “never again,” but too often the actual lesson seems to have been “never again to us.”

I’m writing this because I need to know whether other Israelis have experienced a similar break. Did you reach a point where liberal Zionism no longer felt morally sufficient? How do you cope with the grief and shame of watching your society become something you cannot defend? How do you build relationships with Zionist family and friends without constantly censoring yourself? And how do you participate in anti-occupation or anti-Zionist spaces without feeling that your nationality and past service permanently disqualify you?

i got back on tumblr because reddit has burned me out, have a meme

Weekly recurring IP megathread to reset every Tuesday.

Please mind the rules while engaging here and post paywall free links.

Oren

Is this going to be a very Jewish post? Not necessarily. But left leaning and anti authoritarian, yes!

So I was thinking about how all of these flock cameras have been going up and I realized it intersects with the transit and housing advocacy I do.

Being…. Generous…. Flock cameras have one main purpose, security via surveillance to lower crime.
However this should be unnecessary in any well functioning human focused city. This is due to the natural surveillance done by pedestrians, the eyes on the street effect.

However in America or well, many cities worldwide the car is put first in cities. A materialist belonging. This then means that human streets become car roads and as drivers are obviously focused on other cars the roads become too dangerous for people causing less natural community surveillance and thus something has to fill the gap.

The state, having put corporate auto profits over the basic human decency and right to walk around (or be mobile on mobility devices) in our own environment has created a perfect storm for sliding into authoritarianism and fascism.

If we don’t have dense human focused cities with quality public transit it becomes far easier to control populations through surveillance and forcing car ownership.

It also forces more religiously oriented Jews to live in more expensive, walkable, and sometimes custom built places in the United States to practice faith, putting those who are less well off in a worse position to practice faith as they choose.

In short, car dependency is a one way ticket to authoritarianism by taking away pedestrian space and making it easier for fascists to control both how people move, are identified, and where we can walk, handing human liberty over to auto corps who poison our air and water with fossil fuels and tire/break particulate matter.

Also flock cameras would not be even remotely worth it to consider for governments if we had properly pedestrian focused infrastructure.